作為當(dāng)年擊敗科波拉《教父》奪得奧斯卡最佳導(dǎo)演的《歌廳》，今時(shí)今日遠(yuǎn)沒有得到與《教父》相當(dāng)?shù)脑u(píng)價(jià)和討論，其中緣由自然有歌舞片日漸式微的意難平?！督谈浮饭倘唤?jīng)典，但當(dāng)我們?cè)俅蚊鎸?duì)《歌廳》的時(shí)候卻又不得不承認(rèn)它的當(dāng)之無(wú)愧。 影片改編自百老匯同名音樂(lè)劇，講述了30年代在納粹興起控制下的柏林，一個(gè)在歌廳表演歌舞的美國(guó)女郎，與同住一套公寓的英國(guó)男教師的感情故事。影片遵循了早期歌舞片后臺(tái)羅曼史的敘事策略，卻在類型片中完成了對(duì)歌舞類型的超越。一反歌舞片避世，將矛盾集中在愛情與個(gè)人奮斗的主題。導(dǎo)演注入了更多社會(huì)文化關(guān)懷，強(qiáng)化了納粹時(shí)期的柏林背景下暴力、黑暗的環(huán)境，以及民眾愚昧和易操控煽動(dòng)，并與主體愛情線掛鉤，進(jìn)行更深入、敏感的探討。雖整個(gè)影片仍以一曲歌舞終場(chǎng)，然并非如以往該類型以一場(chǎng)歌舞解決所有矛盾那樣虛假的完滿。 導(dǎo)演鮑勃·福斯作為百老匯一流的歌舞指導(dǎo)，其創(chuàng)作的《芝加哥》也在新世紀(jì)被搬上熒幕，其中也不乏向《歌廳》致敬元素。如片中歌廳作為人物內(nèi)心的映射，和現(xiàn)實(shí)場(chǎng)景基本分離這一手法在《芝加哥》中得到延續(xù)?？v觀全片，三教九流匯成了上世紀(jì)30年代的柏林末日浮世繪，其情節(jié)線并不完整，英國(guó)哲學(xué)碩士布萊恩在柏林的經(jīng)歷只是其生活中一段突兀而混亂的生活，同時(shí)與影片暗線納粹上臺(tái)前夕德國(guó)越來(lái)越混亂的社會(huì)狀況相呼應(yīng)，歌廳又成為了微觀的政治隱喻。 在剪輯上，鮑勃·福斯用大量的交叉蒙太奇來(lái)推進(jìn)雙線敘事的順利進(jìn)行，從布萊恩的來(lái)到與歌廳開場(chǎng)的歡迎曲用交叉蒙太奇串聯(lián)在一起；舞臺(tái)娛樂(lè)打戲與后臺(tái)真實(shí)暴行的快速交剪。歌廳內(nèi)的人來(lái)來(lái)往，在光怪陸離的燈光煙霧中過(guò)著紙醉金迷的生活；歌廳外黨衛(wèi)軍高舉旗幟，喊著口號(hào)，納粹主義悄然興起。穿著大膽、濃妝艷抹的舞女與外部世界的變化圖景形成鮮明對(duì)比。蒙太奇技法的頻繁使用也使得《歌廳》擁有了比純粹描寫納粹劇情片更令人后怕的力量。 在敘事方式上鮑勃·福斯用舞臺(tái)生活穿梭的程式增添了劇情的荒誕性，以喬爾·格雷飾演的歌廳舞者，微翹著嘴角、瞪大眼珠，說(shuō)著逢場(chǎng)作戲的俏皮話從未走出過(guò)歌廳的表現(xiàn)，凸顯著時(shí)代及時(shí)行樂(lè)的宣言。其中導(dǎo)演埋伏的移民、同性戀、猶太等元素，都是輕描淡寫地掠過(guò)或參與人物的重大人生議題卻絲毫不顯膚淺，與夸張萎靡的外顯表象粘連成內(nèi)容上的第一視點(diǎn)。一切都是從歌廳向外延伸，從源頭打破意識(shí)形態(tài)的阻隔。 這種敘事方式不僅是臺(tái)上臺(tái)下的反襯，更是銀幕內(nèi)外的聯(lián)動(dòng)。用同樣的手法、臺(tái)詞表演來(lái)開場(chǎng)結(jié)尾，掀起了電影與生活兩個(gè)世界的幕布。迷幻背后自有明晰，舞臺(tái)因荒誕與鬧劇而真實(shí)，生活卻因愈發(fā)荒誕而超現(xiàn)實(shí)?；蛟S局中人尚未察覺，但我們看到結(jié)尾歌廳內(nèi)納粹魔影的鏡像反照就已知曉，夜夜笙歌的歌廳將不復(fù)存在，接下來(lái)要登場(chǎng)的就是悲痛殘忍的《美麗人生》和《辛德勒名單》了。

9.0分。以歌廳女明星的生活展開納粹在德國(guó)的興起歲月，德國(guó)逐步被納粹輿論控制；作品介于胡鬧與嚴(yán)肅之間，以在歌廳胡鬧避世來(lái)嚴(yán)肅討論納粹，從一開始納粹被趕出場(chǎng)內(nèi)到后來(lái)滿座似乎皆為納粹，男主的言行即是導(dǎo)演對(duì)此的觀點(diǎn)。最牛逼的還是那段鄉(xiāng)村少年唱起由最初的溫和到后來(lái)氣勢(shì)洶洶的“黨歌”，完全出乎意料。歌舞段落很棒且不生硬，小丑最討喜。

本片歌舞運(yùn)用極佳，串聯(lián)主線卻又游離于故事之外，歌舞在片中的作用也有很多種：連接甚至是概括劇情；暗示政治背景；表達(dá)人物心聲；用歌舞夸張地表現(xiàn)了當(dāng)時(shí)紙醉金迷浮夸迷幻的社會(huì)；對(duì)小小的舞臺(tái)和下面觀眾的描寫刻畫出了政治突變波濤洶涌時(shí)代下蕓蕓眾生的躁動(dòng)和恐懼。

女主角刻畫很好，是劇變的時(shí)代背景下一個(gè)微不足道的小人物，現(xiàn)實(shí)窘迫卻心懷夢(mèng)想，愿意出賣身體來(lái)接近那些看似能幫助自己完成夢(mèng)想的人。對(duì)自己身體滿不在乎卻擁有一雙純真動(dòng)人的大眼睛。和別人說(shuō)父親和自己很親近，卻無(wú)法掩蓋父親爽約甚至不愿意在給自己的電報(bào)上多花錢的事實(shí)，因此而倍受打擊，內(nèi)心里其實(shí)是一個(gè)渴望父愛的孩子。放棄了自己愛的男孩和腹中的孩子，因?yàn)樗滥泻]有愛上她，她對(duì)夢(mèng)想的憧憬勝于自己對(duì)男孩的愛，于是她回到舞臺(tái)上，振臂高歌。無(wú)論夢(mèng)想是否能實(shí)現(xiàn)，她都愿意去追尋，甚至是死在夢(mèng)里?！吧罹拖袷歉鑿d，也只是個(gè)歌廳，而我喜歡的，就是歌廳”。她代表了當(dāng)時(shí)女性思想開始解放，認(rèn)識(shí)自我，追逐夢(mèng)想；也代表了那個(gè)時(shí)代千千萬(wàn)萬(wàn)的追夢(mèng)人，愿意前仆后繼地去追尋那個(gè)遙不可及但美麗無(wú)比的夢(mèng)，卻像那個(gè)妓女埃爾西一樣無(wú)法逃脫其宿命般的結(jié)局。

納粹青年表演那一段格外令人印象深刻，歌曲激昂高亢，觀眾的情緒很快被調(diào)動(dòng)起來(lái)，由旁觀變?yōu)閰⑴c其中，反對(duì)者反而顯得弱小格格不入，直觀的體現(xiàn)了納粹具有的力量。民眾的愚昧和易操煽動(dòng)，人心脆弱可以輕而易舉地操控在此暴露無(wú)遺。

Source

Economic instability and social unrest following World War I gave way to a culture of escapism and decadence in Weimar Berlin. Though previously Berlin had not made much of a name for itself on the global stage, the Golden Twenties turned Berlin into the third largest city in the world, with a population of over 4 million. The 20s were a time of rich culture and sophisticated developments in art, architecture, music, fashion, and particularly film and live entertainment. Popular personas of the time included Marlene Dietrich and Lotte Lenya. The city became a haven for many writers and artists, thrill seekers who were drawn to the magnetic, taboo atmosphere— particularly of Berlin’s nightlife.

Many artists interacted and blended with the underground culture, nightlife and cabarets. Described in Voluptuous Panic: the Erotic World of Weimar Berlin as the “International sex-tourist Mecca of the Twenties and early Thirties,” Berlin was known for its sexual perversity and moral degeneracy. The nightlife scenes were famous for their erotic performances and abundance of cocaine and alcohol. As a result, many right-wing individuals viewed the culture of the time as socially disruptive and profane. One American writer of the time, Ben Hecht, described Berlin as the “prime breeding ground for evil.”

Despite the culture of decadence in the newly cosmopolitan Berlin, most of the population still faced poverty and unemployment in the aftermath of WWI. Prostitution rose as a means of survival for both women and men. In the 20s, this was normalized to a point where the German army granted approval to it soldiers to attend certain brothels, and even rationed coupon books for sexual services at establishments that had been inspected and cleared of sexually transmitted infections like syphilis and gonorrhea. Drug trafficking and the black market played a huge role in Berlin’s underground economy. Cocaine, heroin, and tranquilizers were easily accessible at the time.

Nightlife venues were abundant and diverse. They included girlculture venues, homosexual venues, lesbian venues, nudist venues, sex museums, transvestite venues, underworld venues, and Weimar Nazi venues.

Berlin Cabarets

Berlin Cabarets of the 1920’s were of a different variety than the ones that would later arise in the early 1930’s in response to the Depression, growing Nazi influence and social unrest. The twenties featured kick-lines of beautiful women who were shining with exuberance and personality: “Their faces were made up with an optimism that nipped all resistance to economic development in the bud, and the little cries of pleasure, issued in a precisely calculated rhythm, gave ever renewed praise to the splendors of existence in just such circumstances story ... exploiting with unflagging zeal the very boom they themselves were representing.” (Anton Kaes, Martin Jay, and Edward Dimendberg, The Weimar Republic Source Book)

After the Great Depression struck, the tone of Cabarets shifted significantly. Despite their well rehearsed smiles, performers began to represent deterioration and frenzy as opposed to blasé luxury: “Their smiles are those of a mark; their confidence a leftover from better days; their precision a mockery of the difficulties in which the very powers they call to mind now find themselves. Though they might continue to snake and wave as if nothing happened--the crisis to which so many factories have fallen victim has also silently liquidated this machinery of girls.” (ibid.) The dancers became more brash and provocative. Large theatres were censored by Nazis for content (both immoral and libelous), whereas nightclub stages and small cabarets maintained their erotic and subversive atmosphere and slid under the radar for a slightly longer period of time. (Lisa Appignanesi, The Cabaret)

Queer Culture

Berlin has a long and substantial history of queer culture. It was considered, from 1920s until the rise of the Nazi party, to be the gay capital of the European continent. Berlin’s status as a site of prominent cultural production was at odds with formal law; homosexuality was illegal in Germany from 1871 all the way until 1994 under the Strafgesetzbuch, or German penal code. The provision Paragraph 175 outlawed homosexual acts between men (as well as prostitution, bestiality, and underage sexual abuse). It was made more draconian during Hitler’s rein.

The burgeoning gay scene was the result of relatively tolerant policing policy that began in the late 19th century. Leopold von Meerscheidt-Hullessem, Berlin’s police commissioner in the 1880s, identified that the law was functionally unenforceable. The only way to convict someone was if they confessed, if it was a reported act of nonconsensual sexual violence, or if there was a witness who could testify in court. Rather than prioritize convictions, the police shifted their strategy to surveilling suspected individuals. The police tolerated a variety of gay public spaces—bars, cafés, and even gender non-conforming balls. Because Berliners were not penalized for frequenting these spaces a large and fairly open community emerged, one that did not exist in other European cities.

Gay culture in 1920s and early 1930s Berlin is most often, and fairly, associated with cabaret culture. A number of cabaret queens, both from Germany and abroad, were gay. One example is Claire Waldoff. Waldoff was not from Berlin, but moved there before World War I and earned a reputation as a review singer. She recorded the song “There’s Only One Berlin” in 1932, and it was banned by the Nazi Party in 1933 for its political content. However, it was so well known at the time that most people who lived in the city that year would have been familiar with it. Waldoff was a well-known lesbian; she lived with her partner, and owned a gay-lesbian salon. Although she socialized with many straight club owners and cabaret performers as well, her relationship with another woman was known and accepted.

The liberal attitudes in Berlin were partially the result of advocacy pioneered by Magnus Hirschfeld. Hirschfeld was a German physician who advocated for gay and transgender rights decades before the timeline of Cabaret, and his work and revolutionized German thought about homosexuality. The Wissenschaftlich-humanit?res Komitee, or WhK (“The Scientific-Humanitarian Committee”) was founded by Hirschfeld in 1897. The mission of the WhK was to advocate for the decriminalization and social recognition of gay and transgender people. At its height, the WhK had roughly 500 members and branches in 25 cities across three countries. Hirschfeld went on to found the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft (“Institute for Sexology”) in 1918 under the more liberal Weimar Republic. The institute advocated for widely available contraception, the treatment of sexually transmitted diseases, women’s emancipation, and sex education. Hirschfeld coined the term “transsexualism”—while terminology has since evolved, it was an important beginning to the discussion of gender nonconformity and medical gender transition—and some of the institute staff were themselves transgender. The institute offered endocrinological and surgical services, including the first modern sexual reassignment surgeries. Hirschfeld also strongly advocated against the arrest of crossdressers, especially those involved in sex work. Documentation of much of Hirschfeld’s would be destroyed in Nazi book burnings, which included the Institute archives.

Outside of cabarets, there was also a sizeable gay literary culture. The 1920s and early 1930s, there were at least 25 different gay German periodicals. These publications were sold alongside other standard papers. They provided community news, listed events, and even listed personal advertisements.

From 公眾號(hào) Music Fans

但凡與風(fēng)月場(chǎng)所扯上那么點(diǎn)關(guān)系的文藝作品，大多都離不開對(duì)當(dāng)時(shí)社會(huì)某種意味深長(zhǎng)的駁斥和批判。

《卡巴萊》便是這么一部將背景完全鋪陳在燈紅酒綠中的音樂(lè)劇。此劇英文名為Caberat，不止具有“歌廳”之意，還是一種融合音樂(lè)、舞蹈和表演的娛樂(lè)形式。卡巴萊這種演出是連續(xù)性的，通常在餐廳、酒館、夜總會(huì)等地上演，風(fēng)格艷麗炫目，歡樂(lè)盛大。如劇名暗示的一樣，本劇中的許多曲目都是這種典型的卡巴萊風(fēng)格，然而劇中講述的故事，卻映射著藏在這極致的歌舞升平之下，鋒利而冷酷的現(xiàn)實(shí)社會(huì)。

百老匯話劇《我是一個(gè)相機(jī)》（1951年）

《卡巴萊》改編自約翰?范?德魯頓1951年的話劇《我是一個(gè)相機(jī)》，由弗里德·埃布（Fred Ebb）作詞，約翰·坎德（John Kander）作曲，于1966年11月在紐約百老匯首演。

百老匯音樂(lè)劇《卡巴萊》1966年OBC海報(bào)

法西斯掌權(quán)前夜的柏林繁華開放又暗流涌動(dòng)的社會(huì)現(xiàn)狀通過(guò)故事的推進(jìn)層層展現(xiàn)在觀眾眼前：納粹在德國(guó)正初步興起，而柏林依舊沉浸在一片紙醉金迷之中。歌舞女郎莎莉?鮑爾斯與美國(guó)小說(shuō)作家克利夫·布萊特肖的戀情是故事主線，而克里夫的房東施耐德小姐和她的追求者舒爾茨先生（一位賣水果的猶太老頭）之間注定要失敗的愛情則是另一條故事線索。

1998 Kennedy Center Honors表演：Wilkommen

Alan Cumming & Joel Grey as Emcee

（Joel Grey是1966年OBC和1972年電影版中Emcee扮演者）

而在身處其中，見證著所有悲歡離合的則是夜總會(huì)的主持“Emcee”。作為劇中男一，Emcee一直以一個(gè)旁觀者的視角孤立于整個(gè)故事之外，他不是故事敘述的主體，卻是用于體現(xiàn)全劇意旨中心的重要形象。他的曲目雖然看似都是Kit Kat Klub里的卡巴萊表演，并未嵌在故事之中，但卻與故事本身有著千絲萬(wàn)縷的聯(lián)系：在開場(chǎng)曲“Willkommen”里，他竭力勸各方來(lái)客留下，用盡各種方式推銷：

“So- life is disappointing?

Forget it!

There're no troubles here!”

他將口中的Cabaret描繪成一個(gè)極樂(lè)至美的地方，煩惱灰飛煙滅，只有漂亮姑娘小伙香艷的肉體與肆意言歡的生活。可當(dāng)困境作為常態(tài)，人們只能走進(jìn)歌廳忘記煩惱時(shí)，社會(huì)危機(jī)已悄然出現(xiàn)。

2014年百老匯復(fù)排版中 Alan Cumming as Emcee

尺度極為大膽的“Two Ladies”中，Emcee反反復(fù)復(fù)強(qiáng)調(diào)“兩個(gè)女人”，但實(shí)際上二人只有一個(gè)是真正的女性——當(dāng)時(shí)的柏林思想前衛(wèi)，盛行的同性戀風(fēng)氣在官方的“第147條”的壓制下只能被迫掩于地下，表演中處處透露著的放蕩情欲才暗示著最真實(shí)的現(xiàn)狀；之后“Money”的荒誕演繹，揭露的是風(fēng)行整個(gè)資本主義世界的拜金主義。

1998年百老匯復(fù)排版中Alan Cumming as Emcee

但如果說(shuō)前面的曲目反映的問(wèn)題都只是在20世紀(jì)30年代資本主義社會(huì)語(yǔ)境下的共同弊病， 那么“If You Could See Her”則直接指向了納粹種族主義的荒謬思想。Emcee牽著的大猩猩被暗喻成了劣等的猶太人，歌詞里反復(fù)強(qiáng)調(diào)的“假如你能用我的雙眼看她，你們將會(huì)改變對(duì)她的看法”正切合了前面房東與水果店老板由于種族原因終究走不到一起的悲劇結(jié)局;

作為將全劇推向情緒頂峰的“I Don't CareMuch”不只體現(xiàn)了Sally的絕望心境，并且也是絕大部分底層百姓在面臨納粹即將到來(lái)的大范圍侵襲時(shí)最深刻寫照：衣衫單薄、屋頂塌陷，岌岌可危的生活讓他們無(wú)暇顧及太多曾經(jīng)擁有的美好。此處驟變的曲風(fēng)與Emcee換上的閃亮耳墜和禮服，更像是一種對(duì)舊日榮華的追悼。直至“Finale”中令人震驚的結(jié)局，Emcee這個(gè)角色給我們呈現(xiàn)的，超脫了故事本身的維度，但在眾多歌曲的演繹中，Emcee這個(gè)本應(yīng)獨(dú)立于故事的個(gè)體，個(gè)人特性也在不斷展現(xiàn)，最后甚至變成了本劇中，最具有象征性的存在。

//v.qq.com/x/page/m0606fq7hhn.html

“I Don't Care Much” by Alan Cumming（1993倫敦復(fù)排版）

Jane Horrocks as Sally，Adam Godley as Cliff

這樣的劇作設(shè)計(jì)，可以說(shuō)是相當(dāng)驚艷，而Alan Cumming無(wú)疑是能將這個(gè)角色詮釋得最生動(dòng)的演員之一：他是1993年倫敦復(fù)排版和1998年百老匯復(fù)排版中的Emcee, 15年后，又參與了2014年百老匯復(fù)排版的演出。外媒有評(píng)論他的Emcee“既風(fēng)騷又咄咄逼人，讓人難以想象他是如何把這兩種特質(zhì)完美糅合的”。而15年后，他所呈現(xiàn)的Emcee是一個(gè)似乎更加輕佻又更加絕望的角色，以至于最后一幕皮衣褪下只剩囚服時(shí)，Cumming臉上的笑容都寫著歇斯底里的癲狂。

相較之下，女一號(hào)Sally Bowles,作為故事的主要參與者，體現(xiàn)的更多的則是私人化的情感表達(dá)。風(fēng)云際會(huì)，大時(shí)代下的小人物雖被裹挾在歷史潮流中但仍心懷夢(mèng)想，歌舞女郎與旅德小說(shuō)家相愛但最后又以其重返歌廳作為結(jié)束。

2014年百老匯復(fù)排版中由Emma Stone飾演Sally

Sally Bowles的悲劇來(lái)源于她不斷的逃避，而歌廳始終被她當(dāng)作一個(gè)庇護(hù)所，當(dāng)面臨她長(zhǎng)期難以承受的壓力，無(wú)論是來(lái)自家庭的亦或是社會(huì)的，她自然而然地轉(zhuǎn)向自己習(xí)慣的環(huán)境，繼續(xù)活在自己的幻夢(mèng)中。她并不是天真愚蠢的金發(fā)嬌娃，所有的傷痛和苦難無(wú)力傾吐，只能被化作一句故作輕松的“Life is a cabarat”——對(duì)于當(dāng)時(shí)的底層民眾來(lái)說(shuō)，也許這是唯一慰藉自己的方法。而Cliff和Sally之間難以逾越的階層與觀念差異決定了他們之間命運(yùn)走向的全然不同。就像Sally說(shuō)的：

"Isn't it funny -It always ends this way?

Even when I do finally love someone quite terriblyfor the first time,

butit'sstillnot quiteenough."

2014年百老匯復(fù)排版劇照Emma Stone（as Sally）& Bill Heck （as Cliff）

其實(shí)細(xì)想，Cliff和Sally的愛情，更像是一場(chǎng)短暫的幻夢(mèng)，美好但注定要分崩離析，Cliff先從夢(mèng)中驚醒，但Sally依舊沉睡其中佯裝不醒，所有與歌廳締結(jié)關(guān)系的一切，都是黑暗到來(lái)前最后一絲頑強(qiáng)的抵抗。

這段故事如果反應(yīng)的是末日狂歡，那么另一條故事線中，房東和水果店老板的際遇才是真真實(shí)實(shí)的納粹陰云下愛情的悲慘寫照：兩人興趣相投，心意相通，連一個(gè)菠蘿都能燃起愛的火花，婚約都訂下最后也只能被硬生生毀掉。在這個(gè)故事里，雙方人物性格極其相似，隱忍、謹(jǐn)慎，小心翼翼，就連對(duì)唱也帶著一種克制的情緒，與Cliff和Sally形成了鮮明的對(duì)比，平凡卻更加真實(shí)，更加壓抑。

2014年百老匯復(fù)排版劇照Linda Emond & Danny Burstein

如此一來(lái)，《卡巴萊》實(shí)際上是個(gè)深刻的悲劇，“起起落落落落落落”恐怕是個(gè)貼切的形容詞，每次看都令人心尖一顫。但好在其中還有絕妙的諷刺和香艷的歌舞段落，揪心的情緒能稍微地被緩解。同樣是黑色吊帶襪蕾絲短裙，Sally Bowles呈現(xiàn)出的放蕩的純真和芝加哥里的Roxie竟莫名地有些相似。而Sally顯然擁有除了美艷外更多的特質(zhì)：1973年電影版中LisaMinnelli賦予她黑貓一樣的詭黠又繾綣，而石頭姐用標(biāo)志性的大白牙咧嘴笑突出了她小獸一樣的懵懂和放肆。

1973年電影版莎莉·鮑爾斯的扮演者Liza Minnelli

Sally是令人心碎的，歌廳自身卻是縱情享樂(lè)的桃色場(chǎng)所。2014年復(fù)排版里樂(lè)隊(duì)自成一景，大大的粉紅霓虹燈框成方形掛在舞臺(tái)上方，營(yíng)造出迷幻的氛圍。Emcee小哥煙熏紅唇一樣不落，雙馬尾的小姑娘眼神誘惑，場(chǎng)上場(chǎng)下都很曖昧。而這種曖昧感，即使是在劇情急轉(zhuǎn)直下的時(shí)候，還沒有消失，只是漸漸變得壓抑又悲涼，最后Emcee斬釘截鐵地說(shuō)：“We have no troubles here!”隨后帶著紅袖章的納粹們走上舞臺(tái)，黑壓壓的Cabaratdancers站在后面。歌廳的宏大夢(mèng)幻，在這一刻土崩瓦解。

人們?cè)谀┤諄?lái)到之前紙醉金迷的狂歡心態(tài)，再回頭想想似乎也不無(wú)道理：人生就是一場(chǎng)秀。時(shí)代早晚都要終結(jié)，沒有能力反抗的我們，為什么不先享受一番呢?但這一切終究有些不對(duì)勁?？蓳Q個(gè)角度來(lái)看，這個(gè)故事本身試圖拋出的可能并不是特定的價(jià)值觀，而是某個(gè)值得深思的哲學(xué)命題吧。